The light at the end of the tunnel

I was convicted of first degree murder and sentenced to 25 years in prison when I was 13 years old.

I had already spent time in the juvenile detention center on seven different occasions. Yet at such a young age, I didn’t fully understand the ramifications of what had occurred; nor did I understand how so many lives — including my own — would be devastated because of my actions. I did not think the victim would die and I was not the actual killer, so I never imagined that I would face a long prison term. Only when I was transferred to adult court and spoke to my defense lawyer did I understand that I would likely spend decades in prison. I eventually plead guilty in order to avoid the 40-year sentence the state sought.

Because I was so focused on the daily routine of survival in an aggressive environment, I didn’t have many opportunities to reflect upon my life or even imagine a better future. It wasn’t until I was 18 and in solitary confinement at Pontiac Correctional Center in Illinois that I realized how destructive and wrong I had been. I thought about all the people I had hurt; I thought about his family and the pain I had caused them and most of all I wished I had the power to go back in time and save his life. Overwhelmed with remorse and regret, and with my growing sense of disillusionment with the gang life in which I was involved, I began to think about the root causes of my childhood decisions.

I realize that I — like so many misled youth — had been perfectly socialized into being a gang member. My childhood traumas of living in poverty, having a mother diagnosed with mental illness, living in fear of an abusive step-father, and being placed in and out of foster care made me ripe for the occasions of impulsive and destructive behavior — especially gang involvement which gave me the sense of having a new family.

This week we mark the one-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Miller v. Alabama that mandatory life-without-parole sentences for youth are unconstitutional due to the categorical differences between children and adults. Youth must be held accountable when they cause harm to others, and especially when a life is taken.

Yet, I believe that as a society, we also have an obligation to seek the most humane and rehabilitative approach possible when sentencing kids, for even the most serious offenses. Brain science tells us that children are developmentally different from adults and have a unique capacity for change.

I am proof that this is true. As I matured, I started to make better decisions. Just like many prisoners, all I wanted was to someday live a normal life. I also imagined that someday I would be able to help prevent others from making the same mistakes that I once made. By leaving the gang and surrounding myself with positive and supportive people I slowly began to recreate myself. With good behavior, I was transferred to a medium security prison. Within a few years, I had several significant educational accomplishments and had earned a bachelor’s degree in social science with a 4.0 GPA and was inducted into an honor society for outstanding scholarship. I geared my educational studies in the direction of someday being able to work with at-risk youth.

I was released from prison in 2002, after serving 13 years in the Illinois Department of Corrections. Soon after my release I re-enrolled into Roosevelt University, where I received my undergraduate degree, and earned a Master of Arts in Counseling and Human Services. During that time, I also worked as an outreach worker for an anti-violence organization. In the past decade, I’ve worked and volunteered in various roles designed to keep youth out of trouble. Currently, I work as a clinical field interviewer for an ambitious government-funded study that looks at the mental health needs and outcomes of individuals who were formerly incarcerated as youth and is intended to help guide future public policy decisions and interventions for at-risk youth.

My life course is a testament of the human potential for positive change, and I am in no way an exception. I personally know many individuals who have gone through similar experiences and are now living positive and productive lives. But honestly, I don’t know what I would have felt if I hadn’t seen that light at the end of the tunnel. It must feel like a never-ending nightmare to reach mid-life and realize that you are serving a prison sentence that will never end because of something you did as a kid. I imagine it’s almost like serving time for someone who long faded away as a result of the years of punishment and a growing sense maturity.

As policymakers consider how they will move forward in revising their youth sentencing schemes, I urge them to consider developing new policies that provide opportunities for young people to demonstrate that they have changed and are ready to join me and others like me in making the world a better place. We all have the capacity to change. We just need a chance.

Reprinted from the Huffington Post June 21, 2013

CFSY director discusses Attorney General's "Smart on Crime" initiative in news story

CFSY Director and National Coordinator Jody Kent Lavy discusses how Attorney General Eric Holder’s “Smart on Crime” initiative could impact young people in this story with by The Chicago Bureau.

In a bid to decongest the nation’s overpopulated prisons, the Obama administration has proposed leniency for certain drug cases, a move with uncertain consequences for juvenile inmates.

The president’s new Smart on Crime initiative has received national attention since Attorney General Eric H. Holder announced the policy at the American Bar Association’s annual meeting in San Francisco on Monday.

Attorney General Eric Holder / Creative Commons

Attorney General Eric Holder / Creative Commons

The initiative – highlighted by an easing of mandatory minimum sentencing laws for low-level drug cases – could help reduce the booming prison population. But it’s unclear what impact that will have on the country’s juvenile incarceration rate, the highest of any industrialized nation.

“This is all great language, but in terms of what reforms (Holder’s) proposing and how they will reduce juvenile incarceration – it’s an open question,” said Antonio Ginatta, Human Rights Watch advocacy director of the U.S. Program . “The real action needs to occur in state legislatures and in Congress.”

“Long story short, he identifies the right issues, but I don’t know if he has all the tools necessary to make the changes.”

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All Michigan children sentenced to life in prison are eligible for parole consideration, federal judge rules

The Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth applauds a federal judge’s ruling this week  that everyone convicted of a first-degree homicide offense in Michigan as a child and sentenced to life in prison is now eligible for parole consideration.

The Court also said it will rule shortly on the reforms necessary to ensure that Michigan has a parole sentence that provides meaningful and realistic opportunities for release.

The ruling brings Michigan closer to a sentencing scheme that holds children accountable when they are convicted of serious crimes while considering their potential for change and rehabilitation.

The decision follows last year’s U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Miller v. Alabama, which found that mandatory sentences of life in prison without the possibility of parole are unconstitutional when imposed for a crime committed as a child. In making the Michigan ruling, the judge rejected the state attorney general’s request to limit a January decision that required opportunities for parole for people who were sentenced to life in prison as children to only the named plaintiffs. U.S. Judge John Corbett said in his decision this week that the January ruling applies to everyone in the class.

“Every person convicted of first-degree murder in the state of Michigan as a juvenile and who was sentenced to life in prison shall be eligible for parole,” said U.S. Judge John Corbett O’Meara.

In Michigan, people convicted of first-degree murder are automatically sentenced to life in prison. More than 350 people have received the sentence after being convicted of crimes committed when they were younger than 18.

“This order makes clear that every person sentenced to life without parole for a crime committed when they were a child is now eligible for parole,” said ACLU lead attorney Deborah LaBelle, who had asked that earlier ruling apply to everyone convicted for crimes committed as a child. “As the court previously ruled ‘To hold otherwise would be to allow the state to impose unconstitutional punishment on some persons but not others, an intolerable miscarriage of justice.’”

It's time to talk about the role of race in juvenile justice

The death of Trayvon Martin and the subsequent acquittal of shooter George Zimmerman have generated renewed conversations about the role of race in the criminal justice system.

As the national organization working to end sentences of life without parole for children, the Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth has a responsibility to speak honestly about the problems within the criminal justice and juvenile justice systems. The very practice of sentencing children to die in prison was born during a period of heightened fear and racism exacerbated by the since disproven superpredator theory, which projected a rising tide of young people who would engage in violent criminal activity without regard for human life or consequences.   

On average across the country, black youth are serving life without parole at a per capita rate that is 10 times that of white youth, according to Human Rights Watch. In several states, black youth are at least 18 times more likely to be serving a sentence of life without parole than white youth.

A sentence of life-without-parole is a sentence to die in prison. Imposing this irrevocable sentence on a child is a declaration that he or she is a throwaway person.   In addition, we know that homicide is the leading cause of death among young black men, ages 15-34 according to the Centers for Disease Control, yet gun control has yet to be addressed in a meaningful way. These statistics certainly raise the question of how our society assigns value to the lives of black and brown children compared to those of whites. 

Many have compared Trayvon’s death to that of Emmitt Till, who was in 1955 beaten to death, shot in the head and thrown into a river in Money, Mississippi after he was accused of whistling at a white woman. Although two white men were positively identified as the assailants during a trial, an all-white jury found the men not guilty. Despite this, Till’s death had a major impact on the movement for racial equality after the world saw images of his boated, scarred body in his casket.

Whether or not we agree with this comparison, we must use this opportunity to ensure that important conversations about racial disparities throughout the juvenile and criminal justice systems– and specifically as they relate to life without parole for children – can take place. We don’t claim to have the answers, but we at the CFSY commit to pushing for data, strategies and solutions.

San Quentin Prisoners Learn to Find Peace and Power Through Personal Exploration

July 24, 2013

This story from PBS NewsHour highlights an innovative program at San Quentin State Prison that helps incarcerated individuals connect to the trauma that contributed to their behaviors and develop a commitment to creating peace. The data demonstrate that youth who receive this sentence often have experience a number of childhood traumas.

San Quentin story video

Texas eliminates death-in-prison sentences for children

Statement from Jody Kent Lavy
Director, Campaign for the Fair Sentencing of Youth
July 26, 2013

Texas Governor Rick Perry has signed into law Senate Bill 2, which removes life without the possibility of parole as a sentencing option for children. Although the new law is a step forward, it does not go far enough in acknowledging the fundamental difference between children and adults and children’s unique capacity for change and rehabilitation.

The law is the state’s effort to comply with last year’s U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Miller v. Alabama, which found that mandatory sentences of life in prison without the possibility of parole are unconstitutional when imposed upon a person who was younger than 18 at the time a crime was committed. Texas eliminated the sentences in 2005 for children who were 16 or younger at the time of a crime, but 17-year-olds were not impacted by the change because 17 is the age of adult jurisdiction in Texas. Under the new law, no one younger than 18 can be sentenced to die in prison.

Under SB2, children convicted of serious crimes in Texas will become eligible for parole after serving a minimum of 40 years. In this way, the new law exchanges one mandatory sentence for another because it does not allow for the individualized sentencing hearings outlined in Miller. According to Miller, key mitigating factors should be considered at sentencing, such as the child’s age, role in the crime, history of abuse and neglect and coercion by an adult co-defendant.

Texas Senator Jose Rodriguez, a former prosecutor for El Paso County, voted against the legislation, which was passed during the second special session of the summer after it failed during the first. Rodriguez said judges and juries should have more flexibility to consider individual circumstances and that children should not be treated the same as adults.

“Juveniles offenders, because of their brain development and other factors are different from other offenders,” he said. The senator also expressed concerns about documented racial disparities that show that blacks and Hispanics receive harsher penalties than whites for the same crimes.

Lawyers for children in Texas have indicated that they plan to challenge the new law.

Grieving for Trayvon All Over Again

In this commentary, Taquiena Boston of the Unitarian Universalist Association discusses her reaction to the verdict in the George Zimmerman trial. The Unitarian Universalist Association is an official supporter of the CFSY.

By Taquiena Boston
July 15, 2013

I am grieving Trayvon Martin’s unnecessary death all over again. A question posed by theologian Anne Joh arises in my mind: “Is there a response to grief that doesn’t lead to violence?” From the school-to-prison pipeline to “stand your ground laws” to prison without parole, the judicial sentencing of adolescents in our society has criminalized Black and Brown bodies.

My cousin, a youth minister, posted that America has said what it thinks of him as an African American male “and it hurts.” Even our immigration policies victimize families and communities of color. Where is the justice in this? And what is a just and compassionate response to this crime against the humanity of young people?

When I think of Trayvon Martin’s last moments of life, I imagine a bewildered and scared 17-year-old acting out of the panic that even an adult would feel at being followed, stalked, and confronted by a stranger.

Trayvon Martin was a youth. George Zimmerman was an adult male.
Trayvon Martin was on foot. George Zimmerman was following Trayvon in a vehicle.
Trayvon Martin was unarmed. George Zimmerman had a gun.

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The light at the end of the tunnel

In this commentary in the Huffington Post, Xavier McElrath Bey writes about being sentenced to prison as a young teen and his path to change. He exemplifies what research has demonstrated: young people are uniquely capable of change and rehabilitation. The CFSY supports accountability measures that hold young people accountable for their crimes while focusing on rehabilitation and reintegration into society.

By Xavier McElrath-Bey

I was convicted of first degree murder and sentenced to 25 years in prison when I was 13 years old.

I had already spent time in the juvenile detention center on seven different occasions. Yet at such a young age, I didn’t fully understand the ramifications of what had occurred; nor did I understand how so many lives — including my own — would be devastated because of my actions. I did not think the victim would die and I was not the actual killer, so I never imagined that I would face a long prison term. Only when I was transferred to adult court and spoke to my defense lawyer did I understand that I would likely spend decades in prison. I eventually plead guilty in order to avoid the 40-year sentence the state sought.

Because I was so focused on the daily routine of survival in an aggressive environment, I didn’t have many opportunities to reflect upon my life or even imagine a better future. It wasn’t until I was 18 and in solitary confinement at Pontiac Correctional Center in Illinois that I realized how destructive and wrong I had been. I thought about all the people I had hurt; I thought about his family and the pain I had caused them and most of all I wished I had the power to go back in time and save his life. Overwhelmed with remorse and regret, and with my growing sense of disillusionment with the gang life in which I was involved, I began to think about the root causes of my childhood decisions.

I realize that I — like so many misled youth — had been perfectly socialized into being a gang member. My childhood traumas of living in poverty, having a mother diagnosed with mental illness, living in fear of an abusive step-father, and being placed in and out of foster care made me ripe for the occasions of impulsive and destructive behavior — especially gang involvement which gave me the sense of having a new family.

This week we mark the one-year anniversary of the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Miller v. Alabama that mandatory life-without-parole sentences for youth are unconstitutional due to the categorical differences between children and adults. Youth must be held accountable when they cause harm to others, and especially when a life is taken.

Read More

 

 

Texas needs alternatives to prison terms for children

In this op-ed written for the Houston Chronicle, Linda White talks about losing her daughter to youth violence and her ultimate realization that kids can be rehabilitated and should not spend the rest of their lives in prison.

By Linda White | June 19, 2013 | Updated: June 19, 2013 7:05pm

My daughter Cathy was killed by two 15-year-old boys more than 26 years ago. I know personally the grief of losing a child to violence.

I am also a retired professor with an interest in death, dying, grief and loss, and an advocate for the elimination of life without parole and other extreme sentences for children.

I believe children are more than the worst thing they have ever done. I also believe that our country is better when we seriously consider our responsibility to ensure that all children – even those who commit serious crimes – have an opportunity to thrive.

I was thrilled a year ago when the U.S. Supreme Court, in Miller v. Alabama, ruled that it is unconstitutional to impose a mandatory sentence of life in prison without the possibility of parole upon someone who was convicted for a crime committed when younger than 18.

Finally, it seemed, our country would reform the ways it holds young people accountable for the crimes they have committed.

Rather than a process based in retribution, I hoped we were moving toward a model focused on ensuring that we rehabilitate our children, then help to reintegrate them into society.

Twelve months later, there have been steps forward, as several states have eliminated life without parole for children from sentencing schemes.

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Request from dying friend begins lawyer's human rights campaign for Michigan prisoners

This article profiles Deb LaBelle, an attorney in Michigan and leader in the effort to eliminate sentences of life in prison without the possibility of parole for children. She also is a board member at the CFSY.

By David Ashenfelter | Bridge Magazine
on June 18, 2013 at 8:36 AM, updated June 18, 2013 at 8:40 AM
It began as a favor to a dying friend.

But Deborah LaBelle’s decision in 1985 to take over a federal lawsuit at the request of attorney Judith Magid has since evolved into a 28-year legal crusade that has improved the quality of life of Michigan prison inmates, cost the state $150 million for violating their rights and made LaBelle one of the nation’s top prisoner advocates.

“I thought I’d be filing one or two legal briefs and making a couple of court appearances to wrap up the case,” LaBelle said during a recent interview in her Ann Arbor law office, which she often shares with Koda, her son’s large chocolate poodle.

She said Magid, who spent eight years on the case before developing terminal cancer, had already persuaded a judge to order the Michigan Department of Corrections to provide female prisoners with the same educational and vocational opportunities as male inmates. But it took LaBelle 11 more years to get the job done.

“They fought us every step of the way,” LaBelle said.

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